News: Linguists raise alarm over extinction of indigenous languages (Igbo)

Found on Vanguard Online on 2 April 2009
By ANAYO OKOLI

Aba—LINGUISTIC Association of Nigeria has raised alarm that indigenous languages in Nigeria are on verge of extinction in preference to foreign languages and culture. Igbo language, the association, laments may be the first casualty.  President of Linguistic Association of Nigeria, Prof Ahmed Amfani, who raised the alarm  in Aba, Abia state, called on Nigerians, especially Ndi Igbo to wake up and save their language.

Stressing the importance of indigenous languages in national development, the association disclosed with joy that Microsoft Nigeria has in collaboration with Alt-I Ibadan,  provided a Language Interface Pack, a glossary in Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba, which he said “is a careful translation of all computer terms in the three languages as an effort towards scientific and technological development of indigenous languages”.

Prof Amfani, the guest lecturer at the first inaugural lecture of Nigerian Languages, and also a lecturer in the Department of Nigerian Languages, University of Nigeria, Aba campus, noted that the role of language in scientific and technological development of any nation is important.

Speaking on the topic, “Indigenous Languages and Development in Nigeria ”, Amfani said however,  that for a language to participate in any meaningful scientific and technological development, such language must be fully codified, which would allow for the writing of scientific terms and the translation of same.

He pointed out that three Nigerian languages, Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba have made head way in this direction because efforts were made to develop them scientifically.

Amfani however, warned that globalization is already affecting a number of indigenous Nigerian languages to the point of extinction.

“With regard to overall development in various spheres, perhaps Nigeria may adopt the Russian solution in which languages were officially chosen to develop in certain fields. Thus government may decide to make Igbo the language of technology, and throughout the country, technology must be taught only in Igbo at all levels of education. Other languages will be selected in the same fashion for the study of other facets of development.

“For languages that could not be used in certain spheres of development for lack of codification and other issues, efforts must be made to document them properly and keep on using them”, Amfani suggested.

Rwanda: Country’s Unofficial Second Language – Luganda

Found on AllAfrica.com on 2 April 2009
By Sam Ruburika

You no longer hear so much Kirundi or Congolese Lingala or even Swahili spoken on the streets of the country’s major towns. A decade and a half after the end of mass exile for many Rwandans, Kinyarwanda is the preferred mode of communication – with Luganda a close second! And with every passing year it seems as if speakers of the language in this country only increase.

We could find no sociologist to explain the reason behind the language’s growing popularity, so we sent our reporter Sam Ruburika into the streets of Kigali to try to come up with some anecdotal answers to the question.

No question about it, Luganda is a very popular language in and around Kigali, if not in Nyagatare where I was only the other day! Walk into any bar or restaurant and you are likely to hear a conversation like this: “owange, emirimu munnaku zinno si mingi oba tuyiiye kki? That is some Rwandan telling another of the hard economic times he is experiencing. Or, “enkya nkera kwatta baasi ya kumi neemu.” This is another Rwandan informing his girlfriend he will be on a very early bus to some destination.

The interesting thing is that these people are likely to be fluent in their own language, Kinyarwanda, but prefer to communicate in Luganda. Also, this is likely not to be just a case of people who were born in Uganda growing up with the language. The speakers could as well be Rwandans who never lived anywhere near Uganda but for some reason decided to learn that country’s lingua franca.

There are certain areas of Kigali such as Gatsata, Nyabugogo and Giporoso that are well-known as Luganda speaking enclaves.

Immediately after the Genocide these places had an influx of Luganda speakers, Rwandans who either went to Uganda fleeing earlier pogroms and ethnic cleansing campaigns in the early sixties or those born in exile. But Ugandans looking for opportunity in the shell shocked country came in many numbers as well, contributing to disseminating Luganda in the country.

In the invading army, the RPF, the situation was even more pronounced. Almost all the fighting men and women, from the topmost commanders to the lowliest private, they all spoke Luganda. President Kagame himself knows the language. So naturally those fighting men and women who joined the armed struggle from Burundi, the then Zaire, Tanzania and other countries soon became fluent Luganda speakers themselves.

Sounding sexy

Why have so many Rwandans decided to learn Luganda? The first obvious reason is the perception that the most influential people in the government speak the language, so if you want opportunity you better be able to have a serviceable knowledge of it. It doesn’t matter whether or not there is substance to this perception, it still is there.

But many others have no such considerations. Jean Paul Gashugi for instance is a lowly worker in a car repair workshop (garage). But he has a command of Luganda, having learnt it in the workshop. “Understanding the language helped me to learn mechanics because my instructors at the garage spoke Luganda,” Gashugi says.

Others say they learnt Luganda just for the pleasure of it. “My neighbors spoke it and I just liked the language because to me it sounded sexy so as time went on I began speaking the language fluently,” one Alphonse Kayitare remarks.

Commerce also has a role in gaining the language ever newer speakers in Rwanda. Right after the war, almost 90 percent of the imported goods Rwandans consumed either were from Uganda or imported through the country. For businessmen to be able to communicate in Uganda they were forced to learn Luganda.

“When I moved into business after the war, I always took a translator to Uganda to help me purchase goods,” Yves Muvunyi, a Kigali trader says.

Currently many Rwandan traders are involved in cross border trade between the two countries. The continuous movement has necessitated learning of Luganda by Rwandans as it is the trader’s language in Uganda.

A taste for the language

But Luganda’s growth in the country has more reasons. Food for instance. There are numerous restaurants in Kigali that are well known for their Ugandan dishes such as umunyigi, (steamed mashed bananas), Katogo (banana fingers cooked with beef or beans) and many other dishes.

When these restaurants began opening shop Ugandans living in Rwanda and Rwandans with a Ugandan origin were their main clients. However the trend has changed as other Rwandans develop a taste for Ugandan food. And with that a taste for Luganda.

“Whoever enters this restaurant, they are influenced by their friends to try the language and after a few months they can speak a few words well,” Grace Nantongo a restaurant proprietor in Kigali says.

Entertainment has also contributed to Luganda’s popularity among Rwandans. For example, Ugandan music appeals to many Rwandans. This is especially evident with the song requests on popular radio shows such as Ekikesa and Muna U. Ugandan artists like Jose Chameleon and Juliana Kanyomozi are household names.

“I was tired of nagging people to translate Chameleon’s lyrics for me and so I decided to learn Luganda with the help of my friends,” says Solange Iribagiza a teenager of Gikondo.

Luganda is spoken in some offices as one of the languages between employees or while they are chatting on their mobile phones. “Luganda is the easiest language that I feel comfortable discussing in, and talking with friends. In fact I really enjoy speaking the language with my workmates,” says Joyce Mutamba, an employee with Rwanda Motors.

‘Native’ speakers

Some Rwandan party goers prefer to spend their weekends in Kampala due to the night life which they deem a better choice compared to Kigali. Once there they communicate in Luganda, or try to learn it.

On any given weekend in Kampala’s popular night spots, it is not surprising to find throngs of Rwandans who have crossed over. This has also contributed to more Luganda speakers in the country as they share their experiences with friends and relatives. “I learnt Luganda through hanging out with Luganda-speaking friends,” one Rose Kabatesi told this writer.

Some Rwandans cross over to Uganda for visiting purposes and to prove stories that they were told by their counterparts who have been there before. “I have been to Uganda twice but before I went I had got some Luganda lessons from my friends who lived there.”

But one of the biggest reasons Luganda is likely to be around for a long time is that many Rwandan parents take their children to Ugandan schools. They feel these schools will give the offspring a better grounding in English which has rapidly replaced French as the language of the offices and official business.

The children obviously will mix with Ugandan children, and they will learn to speak Luganda like natives-as many already do.

News: Language expert justifies mother tongue for schools

Found on Nigerian Best Forum on 23 March 2009

A researcher and Chief Executive of African Languages Technology Initiative (Alt-I) Dr. Tunde Adegbola, has said that for the nation to achieve anything meaningful in the ongoing crusade on Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the local languages must be used as medium of study in primary and secondary schools.

Adegbola stated this at the University of Ibadan while delivering a lecture at the maiden edition of African Regional Centre for Information Science (ARCIS).

He said Africa was the only continent in which the language of governance and officialdom is a colonial language.

In his lecture entitled “Indigenising Human language technology for national development”, Adegbola said that language was an instrument of thought that has input into the perceptive and cognitive make-up of a person. “It is a system that describes reality in a given culture and if a reality does not exist in a culture the local language is not likely to accommodate it,” he added.

He stated that if a nation teaches its young people in a foreign language, the chances of developing scientific theories are remote and the scientific world would be worse for it.

According to him, learning in local languages would give the learner an opportunity to develop theories that are not only relevant to the society but also develop technological tools needed for total development of the society in question.

The researcher said the experiment conducted by Prof. Babs Fafunwa at the Univesity of Ife between 1970 and 1979 gave credence to the importance of mother tongue education, adding that encouraged by the success of the project, various scholars, groups and institutions have produced orthography of over 25 Nigerian languages that remained unwritten till date.

He lamented that most of the so-called educated elite have compounded the problem by forbidding their children from speaking their local languages at home, a situation that has eroded the cultural value of most of the Nigerian languages.

In his welcome address, the director of ARCIS, Professor A. Ehkhamenor, said the vision of ARCIS was to become one of the key nodal points for information science and technology training, research, networking, content creation and advisory in the West African sub-region.

According to him, the choice of the topic of the lecture took into consideration the increasing role of machines in human to human as well as human to machine communication in the rapidly evolving information society, being driven principally by progress and innovative solutions in human language technology.

In what language do deaf people think?

Found on StraightDope.com on 19 March 2009

By Cecil Adams, December 26, 2003

Dear Cecil:

In what language do deaf people think? I think in English, because that’s what I speak. But since deaf people cannot hear, they can’t learn how to speak a language. Nevertheless, they must think in some language. Would they think in English if they use sign language and read English? How would they do that if they’ve never heard the words they are signing or reading pronounced? Or maybe they just see words in their head, instead of hearing themselves?

You’re on the right track, kid. But first a little detour. Your speculations raise a larger question: Can you think without language? Answer: Nope, at least not at the level humans are accustomed to. That’s why deafness can have far more serious consequences than blindness, developmentally speaking. The blind suffer many hardships, not the least of which is the inability to read in the usual manner. But even those sightless from birth acquire language by ear without difficulty in infancy, and having done so lead relatively ordinary lives. A congenitally deaf child isn’t so lucky: unless someone realizes very early that he’s not talking because he can’t hear, his grasp of communication may never progress beyond the rudiments.

The language of the deaf is a vast topic that has filled lots of books–one of the best is Seeing Voices: A Journey Into the World of the Deaf by Oliver Sacks (1989). All I can do in this venue is sketch out a few basic propositions:

The folks at issue here are both (a) profoundly and (b) prelingually deaf. If you don’t become totally deaf until after you’ve acquired language, your problems are . . . well, not minor, but manageable. You think in whatever spoken language you’ve learned. Given some commonsense accommodation during schooling, you’ll progress normally intellectually. Depending on circumstances you may be able to speak and lip-read.

About one child in a thousand, however, is born with no ability to hear whatsoever. Years ago such people were called deaf-mutes. Often they were considered retarded, and in a sense they were: they’d never learned language, a process that primes the pump for much later development. The critical age range seems to be 21 to 36 months. During this period children pick up the basics of language easily, and in so doing establish essential cognitive infrastructure. Later on it’s far more difficult. If the congenitally deaf aren’t diagnosed before they start school, they may face severe learning problems for the rest of their lives, even if in other respects their intelligence is normal.

The profoundly, prelingually deaf can and do acquire language; it’s just gestural rather than verbal. The sign language most commonly used in the U.S. is American Sign Language, sometimes called Ameslan or just Sign. Those not conversant in Sign may suppose that it’s an invented form of communication like Esperanto or Morse code. It’s not. It’s an independent natural language, evolved by ordinary people and transmitted culturally from one generation to the next. It bears no relationship to English and in some ways is more similar to Chinese–a single highly inflected gesture can convey an entire word or phrase. (Signed English, in which you’ll sometimes see words spelled out one letter at a time, is a completely different animal.) Sign can be acquired effortlessly in early childhood–and by anyone, not just the deaf (e.g., hearing children of deaf parents). Those who do so use it as fluently as most Americans speak English. Sign equips native users with the ability to manipulate symbols, grasp abstractions, and actively acquire and process knowledge–in short, to think, in the full human sense of the term. Nonetheless, “oralists” have long insisted that the best way to educate the deaf is to teach them spoken language, sometimes going so far as to suppress signing. Sacks and many deaf folk think this has been a disaster for deaf people.

The answer to your question is now obvious. In what language do the profoundly deaf think? Why, in Sign (or the local equivalent), assuming they were fortunate enough to have learned it in infancy. The hearing can have only a general idea what this is like–the gulf between spoken and visual language is far greater than that between, say, English and Russian. Research suggests that the brain of a native deaf signer is organized differently from that of a hearing person. Still, sometimes we can get a glimpse. Sacks writes of a visit to the island of Martha’s Vineyard, where hereditary deafness was endemic for more than 250 years and a community of signers, most of whom hear normally, still flourishes. He met a woman in her 90s who would sometimes slip into a reverie, her hands moving constantly. According to her daughter, she was thinking in Sign. “Even in sleep, I was further informed, the old lady might sketch fragmentary signs on the counterpane,” Sacks writes. “She was dreaming in Sign.”

The languages of South Africa – Language distribution

Found on SouthAfrica.info on 17 March 2009

Go to SouthAfrica.infoSource: SouthAfrica.info
The all-in-one official guide
and web portal to South Africa.

South Africa is a multilingual country. Besides the 11 officially recognised languages, scores of others – African, European, Asian and more – are spoken here, as the country lies at the crossroads of southern Africa.

The country’s Constitution guarantees equal status to 11 official languages to cater for the country’s diverse peoples and their cultures. These are:

Other languages spoken in South Africa and mentioned in the Constitution are the Khoi, Nama and San languages, sign language, Arabic, German, Greek, Gujarati, Hebrew, Hindi, Portuguese, Sanskrit, Tamil, Telegu and Urdu. There are also a few indigenous creoles and pidgins.

English is generally understood across the country, being the language of business, politics and the media, and the country’s lingua franca. But it only ranks joint fifth out of 11 as a home language.

South Africa’s linguistic diversity means all 11 languages have had a profound effect on each other. South African English, for example, is littered with words and phrases from Afrikaans, isiZulu, Nama and other African languages.

And African-language speakers often pepper their speech with English and Afrikaans, as this isiZulu example recorded in Soweto by MJH Mfusi shows (English is in italics, and Afrikaans in bold):

    “I-Chiefs isidle nge-referee’s optional time, otherwise ngabe ihambe sleg. Maar why benga stopi this system ye-injury time?

    “Chiefs [a local soccer team] have won owing to the referee’s optional time, otherwise they could have lost. But why is this system of injury time not phased out?”

Language distribution

According to the 2001 census, isiZulu is the mother tongue of 23.8% of South Africa’s population, followed by isiXhosa at 17.6%, Afrikaans at 13.3%, Sepedi at 9.4%, and English and Setswana each at 8.2%.

Language distribution
Language distribution in South Africa's populationSesotho is the mother tongue of 7.9% of South Africans, while the remaining four official languages are spoken at home by less than 5% of the population each.

Language distribution by population groupIsiZulu, isiXhosa, siSwati and isiNdebele are collectively referred to as the Nguni languages, and have many similarities in syntax and grammar. The Sotho languages – Setswana, Sepedi and Sesotho – also have much in common.

According to historical data, many of South Africa’s indigenous tribes share a common ancestry. But as groupings and clans broke up in search of autonomy and greener pastures for their livestock, variations of the common languages evolved.

Afrikaans

Afrikaans has its roots in 17th century Dutch, with influences from English, Malay, German, Portuguese, French and some African languages. One of the first works of written Afrikaans was Bayaan-ud-djyn, an Islamic tract written in Arabic script by Abu Bakr.

Distribution of Afrikaans speakers

Percentage of Afrikaans speakers in South Africa
Map: Human Sciences Research Council

Initially known as Cape Dutch, Afrikaans was largely a spoken language for people living in the Cape, with proper Dutch the formal, written language.

Afrikaans came into its own with the growth of Afrikaner identity, being declared an official language – with English – of the Union of South Africa in 1925. The language was promoted alongside Afrikaner nationalism after 1948 and played an important role in minority white rule in apartheid South Africa. The 1976 schoolchildren’s uprising was sparked by the proposed imposition of Afrikaans in township schools.

Afrikaans is spoken mainly by white Afrikaners, coloured South Africans and sections of the black population. Although the language has European roots, today the majority of Afrikaans-speakers are not white.

  • Home language to: 13.3% of the population
  • Family: Indo-European
  • Varieties: Eastern Cape Afrikaans (Oosgrensafrikaans, which became Standard Afrikaans), Cape Afrikaans (Kaapse Afrikaans) and Orange River Afrikaans (Oranjerivierafrikaans)

English

English has been both a highly influential language in South Africa, and a language influenced, in turn, by adaptation in the country’s different communities. Estimates based on the 1991 census suggest that some 45% of the population have a speaking knowledge of English.

Distribution of English speakers

Percentage of English speakers in South Africa
Map: Human Sciences Research Council

English was declared the official language of the Cape Colony in 1822 (replacing Dutch), and the stated language policy of the government of the time was one of Anglicization. On the formation of the Union of South Africa in 1910, which united the former Boer republics of the Transvaal and Orange Free State with the Cape and Natal colonies, English was made the official language together with Dutch, which was replaced by Afrikaans in 1925.

Today, English is the country’s lingua franca, and the primary language of government, business, and commerce. It is a compulsory subject in all schools, and the medium of instruction in most schools and tertiary institutions.

As a home language, English is spoken by 10% of the population – one in three of which are not white. South Africa’s Asian people, most of whom are Indian in origin, are largely English-speaking, although many also retain their languages of origin. There is also a significant group of Chinese South Africans, also largely English-speaking but who also retain their languages of origin as well.

South African English is an established and unique dialect, with strong influences from Afrikaans and the country’s many African languages.

  • Home language to: 8.2% of the population
  • Family: Indo-European
  • Varieties: Black South African English (BSAE), Indian English, Coloured English, Afrikaans English

IsiNdebele

IsiNdebele, the language of the Ndebele people, is one of South Africa’s four Nguni languages. The Ndebele were originally an offshoot of the Nguni people of KwaZulu-Natal, while the languages amaNala and amaNzunza are related to those of Zimbabwe’s amaNdebele people.

Distribution of isiNdebele speakers

Distribution of isiNdebele speakers in South Africa
Map: Human Sciences Research Council

IsiNdebele is mainly spoken in the provinces of Limpopo, Mpumalanga and Gauteng, around the towns of Mokopane, Polokwane, Pretoria, Bronkhorstspruit, Middelburg, Witbank, Delmas, Standerton, Marble Hall, Groblersdal, Hendrina, Belfast and Bethal.

To tourists, the Ndebele people are best known for the vibrant geometric patterns with which they decorate their houses, the colourful traditional dress, and their intricate and skilful beadwork.

Like the country’s other African languages, isiNdebele is a tonal language, governed by the noun, which dominates the sentence.

  • Home language to: 1.6% of the population
  • Family: Bantu Language Family
  • Varieties: Manala and Ndzundza (or Nzunza)

IsiXhosa

South Africa’s second-largest language, isiXhosa is also known as the Southern or Cape Nguni, and is closely related to isiZulu, the most common home language in the country. It is spoken mainly in the former Transkei, Ciskei and Eastern Cape regions.

Distribution of isiXhosa speakers

Distribution of isiXhosa speakers in South Africa
Map: Human Sciences Research Council

IsiXhosa is one of the country’s four Nguni languages. It too is a tonal language, governed by the noun, which dominates the sentence.

Famous Xhosa South Africans include former President and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Nelson Mandela, and current President Thabo Mbeki.

  • Home language to: 17.6% of the population
  • Family: Bantu Language Family
  • Varieties: The most distinct variety is isiMpondo (isiNdrondroza). Other dialects include Thembu, Bomvana, Mpondimise, Rharhabe, Gcaleka, Xesibe, Bhaca, Cele, Hlubi, Ntlangwini, Ngqika, Mfengu

IsiZulu

IsiZulu is the language of South Africa’s largest ethnic group, the Zulu people, who take their name from the chief who founded the royal line in the 16th century. The warrior king Shaka raised the nation to prominence in the early 19th century. The current monarch is King Goodwill Zwelithini.

Distribution of isiZulu speakers

Distribution of isiZulu speakers in South Africa
Map: Human Sciences Research Council

A tonal language and one of the country’s four Nguni languages, isiZulu is closely related to isiXhosa. It is probably the most widely understood African language in South Africa, spoken from the Cape to Zimbabwe but mainly concentrated in the province of KwaZulu-Natal.

The writing of Zulu was started by missionaries in what was then Natal in the 19th century, with the first Zulu translation of the bible produced in 1883. The first work of isiZulu literature was Thomas Mofolo’s classic novel Chaka, which was completed in 1910 and published in 1925, with the first English translation produced in 1930. The book reinvents the legendary Zulu king Shaka, portraying him as a heroic but tragic figure, a monarch to rival Shakespeare’s Macbeth.

  • Home language to: 23.8% of the population
  • Family: Bantu Language Family
  • Varieties:Tthe central KwaZulu variety, the KwaZulu coast variety, the Natal coast variety, the lower Natal coast variety, the south west Natal variety, the northern Natal variety, the northern-Swati border variety, the Natal-Eastern Cape border variety and some urban varieties

Sepedi

Otherwise known as Northern Sotho or Sesotho sa Leboa, Sepedi is mostly spoken in the province of Limpopo, as well as in Gauteng and Mpumalanga.

Distribution of Sepedi speakers

Distribution of Sepedi speakers in South Africa
Map: Human Sciences Research Council

It is one of South Africa’s three Sotho languages, with different dialect clusters are found in the Sepedi-speaking area.

  • Home language to: 9.4% of the population
  • Family: Bantu Language Family
  • Varieties: South Central (Kopa, Ndebele Sotho), Central (Pedi, Tau, Kone), North Western (Tlokwa, Hananwa, Matlala, Moletši, Mamabolo), North Eastern (Lobedu, Phalaborwa, Kgaga, Dzwabo) Eastern (Pai), and East Central (Pulana, Kutswe)

Sesotho

Sesotho, or Southern Sotho, is spoken in the country of Lesotho, which is entirely surrounded by South African territory, as well as in the Free State province, southern Gauteng, and in the vicinity of Pretoria and Brits.

Distribution of Sesotho speakers

Distribution of Sesotho speakers in South Africa
Map: Human Sciences Research Council

With Setswana and isiZulu, Sesotho was one of the first African languages to be rendered in written form, and it has an extensive literature. Sesotho writing was initiated by the missionaries Casalis and Arbousset of the Paris Evangelical Mission, who arrived at Thaba Bosiu in 1833.

The original written form was based on the Tlokwa dialect, but today is mostly based on the Kwena and Fokeng dialects, although there are variations.

  • Home language to: 7.9% of the population
  • Family: Bantu Language Family
  • Varieties: Sekgolokwe; Setlokwa; Sekwena; Serotse (Selozi)

Setswana

The language of the Tswana people is spoken mostly in Botswana, a country on the northwestern border of South Africa, as well as in the Northern Cape province, the central and western Free State and in North West.

Distribution of Setswana speakers

Percentage of Setswana speakers in South Africa
Map: Human Sciences Research Council

Setswana was the first Sotho language to have a written form. In 1806 Heinrich Lictenstein wrote Upon the Language of the Beetjuana (as a British protectorate, Botswana was originally known as Bechuanaland).

In 1818, Dr Robert Moffat from the London Missionary Society arrived among the Batlhaping in Kudumane, and built Botswana’s first school. In 1825 he realised that he must use and write Setswana in his teachings, and began a long translation of the bible into Setswana, which was finally completed in 1857.

One of most famous Setswana speakers was the intellectual, journalist, linguist, politician, translator and writer Sol T Plaatje. A founder member of the African National Congress, Plaatje was fluent in at least seven languages, and translated the works of Shakespeare into Setswana.

  • Home language to: 8.2% of the population
  • Family: Bantu Language Family
  • Varieties: Related varieties include Sekgalagadi in Botswana and Shilozi in Namibia and Zambia

siSwati

SiSwati, the language of the Swazi nation, is spoken mainly in eastern Mpumalanga, an area that borders the country of Swaziland.

Distribution of siSwati speakers

Percentage of siSwati speakers in South Africa
Map: Human Sciences Research Council

The Swazi people originated from the Pongola river valley in KwaZulu-Natal, migrating from there to Swaziland. Their country was under British control from 1903 to 1968.

SiSwati is one of South Africa’s four Nguni languages, and closely related to isiZulu. However, much has been done in the last few decades to enforce the differences between the languages for the purpose of standardising siSwati.

  • Home language to: 2.7% of the population
  • Family: Bantu Language Family
  • Varieties: Thithiza and Yeyeza

Tshivenda

Tshivenda is generally regarded as a language isolate. Its is the language of the Venda people, who are culturally closer to the Shona people of Zimbabwe than to any other South African group.

Distribution of Tshivenda speakers

Percentage of Tshivenda speakers in South Africa
Map: Human Sciences Research Council

Spoken mainly in northern Limpopo, an area bordering the country of Zimbabwe, Tshivenda shares features with Shona and Sepedi, with some influence from Nguni languages. The Tshipani variety of Tshivenda is used as the standard.

The language requires a number of additional characters or diacritical signs not found on standard keyboards. For this reason Translate.org.za, an NGO promoting open-source software in indigenous languages, has produced a special program to enable Tshivenda speakers to easily type their language.

The Venda people first settled in the Soutpansberg Mountains region, where the ruins of their first capital, Dzata’s, can still be found.

  • Home language to: 2.3% of the population
  • Family: Bantu Language Family
  • Varieties: Tshiilafuri (Western Venda; has traces of Sotho); Tshimanda (Central Venda; commonly used by the Luonde and Lwamondo); Venda proper (found in Tshivhase and Mphaphuli’s areas); Tshimbedzi (Eastern Venda); Tshilembethu (North-Easter Venda) and Extreme Eastern Venda (influenced by Karanga from Zimbabwe); as well as Tshironga (Southern Venda) and South-Eastern Venda (shows influence of Tonga and Sotho)

Xitsonga

The Tsonga people came to South Africa long after most other African people, settling in the Limpopo River valley. Their language, Xitsonga, is spoken in eastern Limpopo and Mumalanga, areas near the border of the country of Mozambique, as well as in southern Mozambique and southeastern Zimbabwe.

Distribution of Xitsonga speakers

Percentage of Xitsonga speakers in South Africa
Map: Human Sciences Research Council

Xitsonga is similar to Xishangana, the language of the Shangaan people, and also has some Nguni influences.

  • Home language to: 4.4% of the population
  • Family: Bantu Language Family
  • Varieties: A number of varieties including Xinhlanganu and Xinkuna

Indigenous creoles and pidgins

Tsotsi taal, an amalgam of Afrikaans, English and a number of African languages, is widely spoken in urban areas, mainly by males. The word “tsotsi” means “gangster” or “hoodlum” – given the association with urban criminality – while “taal” is Afrikaans for “language”.

Otherwise known as Iscamtho, tsotsi taal developed in cities and townships to facilitate communication between the different language groups. It is a dynamic language, with new words and phrases being regularly introduced.

Fanagalo is a pidgin that grew up mainly on South Africa’s gold mines, to allow communication between white supervisors and African labourers during the colonial and apartheid era.

It is essentially a simplified version of isiZulu and isiXhosa – about 70% of the lexicon is from isiZulu – and incorporates elements from English, Dutch, Afrikaans and Portuguese. It does not have the range of Zulu inflections, and tends to follow English word order. Similar pidgins are Cikabanga in Zambia and Chilapalapa in Zimbabwe.

Fanagalo is a rare example of a pidgin based on an indigenous language rather than on the language of a colonising or trading power.

Provincial variations

The languages you will hear most frequently spoken in South Africa depend on where in the country you are.

IsiXhosa, for instance, is spoken by more than 80% of South Africans in the Eastern Cape, while almost 80% of people in KwaZulu-Natal speak isiZulu. IsiZulu is also the most frequently spoken home language in Gauteng, but at a much smaller percentage. In Cape Town and its surrounds, Afrikaans comes into its own.

Predominant languages by province (Census 2001 figures, rounded off) are:

  • Eastern Cape – isiXhosa (83%), Afrikaans (9%)
  • Free State – Sesotho (64%), Afrikaans (12%)
  • Gauteng – isiZulu (21%), Afrikaans (14%), Sesotho (13%), English (12%)
  • KwaZulu-Natal – isiZulu (81%), English (13%)
  • Limpopo – Sepedi (52%), Xitsonga (22%), Tshivenda (16%)
  • Mpumalanga – siSwati (31%), isiZulu (26%), isiNdebele (12%)
  • Northern Cape – Afrikaans (68%), Setswana (21%)
  • North West – Setswana (65%), Afrikaans (7%)
  • Western Cape – Afrikaans (55%), English (19%), isiXhosa (23%)

SAinfo reporter

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Language time line for Southern Africa

Found on Cyberserv.co.za on 16 March 2009

This South African language time line indicates language related events in Southern Africa – mainly with regards to language presence, development and official recognition.

DATE

EVENT OFFICIAL
LANGUAGE
186 000 BC Footprints of first humans in South Africa.
20 000 BC Khoisan peoples arriving in Southern Africa.
8000 BC Manmade shelters of humans living north of current day Johannesburg (language unknown).
1000 BC Bantu language speaking peoples started moving from west Africa towards Southern Africa.
500 AD A group Bantu language speaking people reached present-day KwaZulu-Natal province.
696 Arab traders trade with peoples living in the Southern African region.
1050-1270 Kingdom of Mapungubwe (Limpopo Province) (language unknown).
696 Arab traders trade with peoples living in the Southern African region.
1488 Portuguese explorer Bartholomeu Dias sails passed the Cape of Good Hope.
1497 Portuguese explorer Vasco Da Gama passes Cape of Good Hope and names the the region currently known as the KwaZulu-Natal Province Natal as they passed it during Christmas (Natal is the Portuguese word for Christmas).
1580 English explorer Sir Francis Drake rounds the Cape.
1652 Arrival of Dutch officials under Jan van Riebeeck to start a way-station for the Dutch East India Company in the Cape. First Dutch speakers settle in the country. Dutch
1657

The Dutch East India Company imported slaves from East Africa, Madagascar, and the East Indies (mainly Indonesia and Malaysia) – they also had to speak Dutch (this contact influenced the language and also contributed to the creation of the Afrikaans language).

1688 French Huguenots arrived at the Cape followed by some German speakers.
1795-1803 First British occupation of the Cape. Afterwards control was handed back to the Dutch.
1806 Second British occupation of the Cape.
1814 Dutch officially cede the Cape Colony to Britain. English
1820 English speaking British settlers arrive on the eastern coast of the Cape.
1835 So-called Great Trek of Dutch settlers – split between English and Dutch colonists – further development of Afrikaans as separate language from Dutch.
1839-1842 Boer Republic of Natalia Dutch
1852-1902

Boer republic in later Transvaal – Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek

Dutch
1854-1902 Boer Republic of the Orange Free State Dutch
1860 British colonists brings labourers from India to work in sugar-plantations in Natal. English
1899-1902 Anglo South African War (previously known as the Anglo-Boer war) – between Boer and British controlled forces.
1910 Establishment of the Union of South Africa with English and Dutch as official languages English
Dutch
1912 Establishment of the African National Congress
1914 Afrikaner Rebellion and establishment of the National Party
1925 Afrikaans replaces Dutch as official language English
Afrikaans
1948-1976 Apartheid period – Afrikaans and English were regarded as official languages while nine African languages were promoted within the so-called Bantustans. It is believed that this was aimed at dividing black people in South Africa by emphasizing the differences between language groups. This period saw the separate development of the following languages: Zulu, Xhosa, Swati, Ndebele, Southern Sotho, Northern Sotho, Tsonga, Tswana and Venda. Mother-tongue education was compulsory in the lower primary grades in schools thereafter a transition was made in schools for Afrikaans or English media of instruction. Afrikaans
English

Bantustan languages: Zulu, Xhosa, Swati, Ndebele, Southern Sotho, Northern Sotho, Tsonga, Tswana and Venda

1961 Independence from Britain with the establishment of the Republic of South Africa
1976 Soweto riots – rejection of dual medium education system
1976-1989 Reform (representation of Indians and Coloureds but not Black South Africans in Government). State of emergency.
1989-1994 Transitional period with unbanning of political parties such as the ANC and others as well as the release of political prisoners such as Nelson Mandela (1990).
1994-Currently New democracy – new constitution in 1996 with equal recognition of 11 official language in a unified country. Official languages: Afrikaans, English, Zulu, Xhosa, Swati, Ndebele, Southern Sotho, Northern Sotho, Tsonga, Tswana and Venda

- Pan South African Language Board established to promote and develop the official languages of South Africa (PanSALB) (1995)
- LANGTAG Report (1996)
- Language-in-Education Policy (1997)
- National Language Policy Framework (2002)

Afrikaans, English, Zulu, Xhosa, Swati, Ndebele, Southern Sotho, Northern Sotho, Tsonga, Tswana and Venda

News: State must work to save our languages

Reader letter found on The Times.co.za published 15 March 2009

Most of us do not buy and read books written in our own languages, — Solani Ngobeni, Arcadia, Pretoria

’According to the Publishers’ Association of South Africa’s 2007 industry survey, the sale of books written in Afrikaans is more than double that of other African languages combined.

Those who can read and write Afrikaans are actually doing so without being implored. So what are we to make of Mamphela Ramphele’s call for us to take up the challenge in “Here, mother tongue clashes with her mother’s tongue” (March 8 ) and rescue African languages from their impending demise?

Afrikaners did something positive about their language when they were in power.

Not only did they make sure that it was an official language, but they made sure that it became a language of power, of education and of commerce.

Of course, this was done through bullets and sjamboks.

The same argument can be advanced for the dominance of English today — that the physical violence of the battlefield was followed by the psychological violence of the classroom — teaching us in the language of conquest.

But, while Afrikaners were able to coerce us to learn their language while they were in power, the same can’t be said about us now that we are in power.

The majority of students at the University of Venda are Venda speaking, but the medium of instruction is English.

Why is this the case?

As Ramphele poignantly pointed out, it’s because, unlike English and Afrikaans, African languages have not been developed as languages of political discourse, education or commerce.

Given that we are now in power, can we use this leverage to develop African languages without unleashing violence on other language groups?

I think that in this election season an opportunity has been lost since, in most instances, the electioneering is conducted in English.

Aren’t our political belligerents excluding the majority through the fact that they are communicating their messages in English?

Furthermore, the Publishers’ Association report clearly illustrates that the majority of books published in African languages are to all intents and purposes school books, of which the Department of Education is the largest purchaser.

There is very little trade or general book publishing in African languages.

Given that the Publishers’ Association survey shows that there is very little market for books in African languages beyond the school, how do publishers publish for this market and still survive ?

Are we willing to be blunt with ourselves and concede that most of us do not buy and read books written in our own languages, despite our recognition that African language publishing is facing serious challenges?

Even better, can we read in African languages or can we just speak in these languages?

# Given that we don’t read or write in our languages, the market for African language publishing will for the foreseeable future be confined to the school market.

# This particular engagement about African languages has been published in a national weekly that is published in English and we are writing in English. How do we transcend the myriad challenges that face the usage of African languages?

The government can try by creating incentives for speaking certain languages.

After all, the majority of those who can read and write do so in English and Afrikaans, perhaps not so much because they equate the usage of both languages with sophistication, but more for general practicality.

I think that what needs further deliberation is how Afrikaans became an official language in such a short space of time.

It’s because there was a political will behind it.

Not only did the National Party introduce it as a medium of instruction in schools, it made sure that one’s attainment of or proficiency in the language was rewarded.

Once you could pronounce yourself in Afrikaans, you could access work and educational opportunities.

Today Afrikaans is reaping the benefits.

Music, theatre and literature in Afrikaans are thriving.

There is no doubt that — as much as we are not prepared to concede this — there is going to be minimal, if any , reading and writing in any of the official African languages until there is an incentive to do so.

But for those languages to receive recognition there is the need for a concerted effort on the part of the powers that be to promote them and make sure the majority read and write in these languages.

Since history is replete with stories of death and destruction when one group tries to coerce another to learn its language, we would need to take cognisance of this to avoid dominant groups subjecting minorities to the dominance of their languages. — Solani Ngobeni, Arcadia, Pretoria

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